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There had been many wonderful misunderstanding between North and South in the years that led up to the Civil War, but the most tragic misunderstanding of all was that neither side realized, until it was too late, that the other side was desperately in earnest. Not until the war had actually begun would men see that their rivals really meant to fight? By that time it was too late to do anything but go on fighting. Southerners had been talking secession for many years, and most people in the North had come to look on such talk as a counter in the game of politics.(Civil,p. 158)

The war aims of two sides were very simple. The Confederacy would fight for independence, the North for re-establishment of the Union. So far, slavery itself was definitely not an issue. The North was far from unity on this point; it was vitally important for Lincoln to keep the support of Northern Democrats, most of whom had little or no objection to the continued existence of slavery in the south; and both he and the Congress itself were explicit in asserting that they wanted to restore the Union without interfering with the domestic institutions of any of the states. In addition, there were the border states, Maryland and Kentucky and Missouri, slave states were sentiment apparently was pro-Union by a rather narrow margin, but where most people had no use at all for abolitionists or the abolitionist cause. If these states should join the Confederacy, the Union cause was as good as lost probably the most momentous to hold these states in the Union. If he could help it, Lincoln was not going to fight a straight Republican war. (States, p. 146)

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While the Civil War was nominally fought to preserve the Union and free the Negro, the victors pursued the former objective only. Although released from bondage, the Negro eventually paid the price of national unification. By the mid-1880’s, he become a pawn of the white majority North and south. It was they who decided that it was better than to reconcile the sections to each other rather than to pursue full equality for Negro Americans. (Negro, p. 130)

The End of hostilities marked the close of one epoch in the history of the United States and the beginning of another. Certain issues had once and for all been settled. The protracted debate and sectional conflict over the nature of the Union were resolved by the arbitrament of arms. There would be no further questioning of the principle that the United States was “an indestructible union composed of indestructible states.” The right of secession had been denied by a stronger force than the polemics of Daniel Webster or the earnest appeals of Lincoln. Ucial So too had there finally been decided the crucial problem of slavery . The seal of victory on the battlefield was placed upon the northern contention that human bondage could not exist in the American democracy. The future status of the Negro was still to be determined, and would give rise to no less controversial issue than those which war had solved, but neither slavery nor involuntary servitude would henceforth be countenanced within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. (North, p. 91)

At the same time, the end of the Civil War meant a great deal more than even the settlement of these issues. At long last the energies of the American people were free to resume the tremendous task of building up a nation without being diverted by the fatal pull of North and South. The historic march across the continent was now to receive a fresh impetus in the northern states as thousands of settlers poured into the new West that lay beyond the Missouri; while even more importantly, the growth of manufactures in the northern states launched industrial production on a period of phenomenal expansion. An economic revolution already getting slowly underway was immensely accelerated by the profligate exploitation of the country’s apparently limitless natural resources, the building of a vast railroad network stretching from coast to coast, and the rapid development of banking trade and commerce. (Crisis, p. 173)

Underneath everything there was the fact that the Civil War was a modern war; an all- out war, as that generation understood the concept, in which everything that a nation has and does must be listed with its assets or its debits. Military striking oiwer in such a war is finally supported, conditioned, and limited by the physical scope and citalirt of the basic economy. Simple valor and devotion can never be enough to win, if the war once develops pasts its opening stages. And for such a war the North was prepared and the south was not prepared; prepared, nor in the sense that it was ready for the War—Neither side was in the least ready—but in the resources which were at its disposal. The North could win a modern war and the south could not. Clinging to a society based on the completely archaic institution of slavery, the South for a whole generation had been marking a valiant attempt to reject the industrial revolution, and this attempt had involved it at last in a war in which the industrial revolution would be the decisive factor. (States, p.98)

To a Southland fighting for its existence, slavery was an asset in the farm belt. The needed crops could be produced even though the army took away so many farmers, simply because slaves could keep plantations going with very little help. But in all other respects the peculiar institution was a terrible handicap. Its existence had kept the South from developing a class of skilled workers, it had kept the South rural, and although some slaves were on occasion used as factory workers, slavery had prevented the rise of industrial strength, the South was fatally limited. It could put a high percentage of its adult white manpower on which the firing line ultimately was based. Producing ample supplies of food and fibers, it had to go hungry and inadequately clad; needing an adequate distributive mechanism, it was saddled with railroads and highways which had never been quite good enough and which now could not possibly be improved or even maintained. (Economy, p. 159)

The North bore a heavy load in the War. The proliferating casualty lists reached into every community, touching nearly every home. War expenditures reached what then seemed to be the incomprehensible total of more than two million dollars a day. Inflation sent living costs rising faster than the average man’s income could rise. War profiteers were numerous and blatant, and at times the whole struggle seemed to be waged for their benefits; to the very end of the war there was always a chance that the South might gain its independence, not because of victories in the field but because the people in the North simply found the burden too heavy to carry any longer.(North ,p.79)

With all of this war brought to the North, a period of tremendous growth and development. A commercial and industrial boom like nothing the country had imagined before took place. During the first year, to be sure, times were hard: the country had not entirely recovered from the Panic of 0857, and when the Southern states seceded the three hundred million dollars which Southerners owed to Northern businessmen went up in smoke, briefly intensifying the depression in the North. But recovery was rapid; the Federal government was spending as much money that no depression could endure, and by the summer of 1862 the northern states were waist-deep in property. (States,p.82)

This increased demand northern farms met with effortless ease. There might have been a crippling manpower shortage, because patriotic fervor nowhere ran stronger than in the farm belt and a high percentage of the able-bodied men had gone into the army. But the War came precisely when the industrial revolution was marking itself on the farm. Labor-saving machinery had been perfected and was being put into use_ a vastly improved plow, a corn planter, the two-horse cultivator, mowers and reapers and steam-driven threshing machines- all were available now, and under the pressure of the war the farmer had to use them. Until 1861 farm labor had been abundant and cheap, and these machines made there way slowly; now farm labor was scarce and high-priced, and the farmer who turned to machinery could actually expand his acreage and his production with fewer hands. (Economy,p.118)

Although, it is probable that Civil War pushed the North into industrial age a full generation sooner than would otherwise have been the case. It was just ready to embrace the factory system in 1861, but without the war its development would have gone more slowly. The war provided a forced draft that accelerated the process enormously. By 1865 the northeastern portion of American had development compressed into four feverish years. In the long run it would have been far cheaper to purchase the abolition of slavery, although such a course was unthinkable to both sides in 1861. Estimates of the war’s total cost run as high as $3 billion for the South and $5 billion for the North. (Crisis,p.106)

This was three to four times the total estimated value of slave in the Confederacy. Both the Union and the Confederacy had great difficulty in paying their enormous bills for war equipment, soldiers’ salaries, and operating expenses. Both sides resorted to many similar financial measures: raising taxes, issuing various types of bonds, and printing vast quantities of paper money unsupported by gold or silver reserves. (Civil,p.84)

The overriding desire for victory led to sweeping measures on the South. Some affected the master-slave relationship. Southern slaveholders had defended their right to absolute control over their bondsmen in antebellum days. When war came, they watched helplessly as the Confederate government and Southern states governments transferred hundreds of thousands of slaves from private plantations to more urgent labor in the war effort. Slaves even become Confederate soldiers shortly before Appomattox. And throughout the war Southerners relaxed their close supervision of slave movements and activities. (States, p.132)

Normal political life also came to a halt in the South during the war. There was no two-party system as in the North. There was only one all-inclusive ruling, but unruly,”government- party.” Within the confederacy there were people who opposed Davis’ conduct of the war. They spoke their minds freely. Yet the demands of fighting a separatist revolt prevented any change in government. The war not only changed master-slave relations and Southern politics. It also altered the southern economy. The cherished doctrine of states’ rights received rough treatment at the hands of confederate leaders. These men were determined to assume every power they needed to wage war. The Confederacy did more than seize slaves for war work. It closely regulated foreign commerce. It confiscated food and equipment from private farms for the army. It created government-run industries to produced military equipments. And it tightly controlled what was left of the private enterprise. (Nortn,p. 97)

Southern economic devastation by 1865 could be measured in many ways. Compared to 1860, there were 32% fewer horses, 30% fewer mules, 35% fewer cattle, and 42%fewer pigs. Cotton crops were destroyed or rotted unpacked in the fields. Few factories remained in operation. There was almost no trade. Only a handful of banks were left, and they were nearly empty. After years of conflicts, food shortages had become so severe that ingenious southerners concocted various substitutes: parched corn in place of coffee, strained blackberries in place of vinegar. Scarcity bred speculation, hoarding, and spiraling prices. The high prices and food shortages led to riot, most seriously in Richmond early in April 1863, when about 300 women and children chanting “ Bread! “ looted stores. (Negro, p.133)

Industrial growth in the North began before the Civil war, and the development of machines were more in advance after the Civil War. But it was vastly accelerated by wartime demands to equip and supply the army. The number of northern factories increased from fewer than 140,000 in 1860 to over 250,000 by 1870. Railroad mileage doubled during this decade. The growth was aided not only by government contracts for arms and military supplies. It was helped also by wartime currency inflation, huge federal subsidies to railroads, and protective tariffs for industry. (Crisis,p.98)

Perhaps most important in the North, as in the confederacy, was the role-played by the government in stimulating economic growth. Southern Democrats had dominated Congress and executive branch until the 1850s. They blocked measures such as the protective tariff, a national banking system, and railroad subsidies. The Republicans were in control. They favored industrialization and economic growth. To further their aims, they adopted the Morrill Tariff of 1861, which raised duties. They passed the National Banking Acts of 1863 and 1864: these aided national banks at the expense of state banks. In addition, congress awarded land-grant subsidies to transcontinental railroad and stimulated western settlement with the 1862 Homestead Act, which offered land to settlers at nominal sums. (North,p.225)

The Civil War left American with a legend and a haunting memory. These had to do less with things that remained than with the things that had been lost. What had been won would not be entirely visible for many years to come, and most people had been lost could not be forgotten. The men who had marched gaily off in new uniforms and who had not come back: the dreams that had wrecked, the countryside it had scarred, the whole network of habits and hopes and attitudes of mind it had ground to fragments — these were remembered with proud devotion by a nation which had paid an unimaginable price for an experience compounded of suffering and loss and ending in stunned bewilderment. (States, p.153)

In conclusion, North and South together shared in this, for if the consciousness of defeat afflicted only one of the two sections, both knew that something greatly cherished was gone forever, whether that something was only a remembered smile on the face of a boy who had died or was the great shadow of a way of life that had been destroyed. People clung to the memory of what was gone. Knowing the cruelty and insane destructiveness of war as well as any people who ever lived, they nevertheless kept looking backward, and they put strange gloss overtones it had left. (American,p.67)

As the postwar years passed the remembrances became formalized. In cities and in small towns the Decoration Day parade became a ritual : rank after rank of men who unaccountably kept on growing older and less military-looking would tramp down dusty streets, bands playing , flags flying , ranks growing thinner year by year until finally nobldy remained to march at all. In the South the same ceremonial was performed , although the date of the calendar was different; and in both sections orators spoke at vast length, reciting deeds of bravery and devotion which somehow , considered from the increasing distance, had the power to knit the country together again. Their stereotyped speeches were oddly made significant by the deeds which they commemorated. (Nation,p.425)

And , finally, comparing the effects of the Civil War on the North and the South: the South had the bitterer events and memories , and it wrapped them in a heavier trapping of nostalgia. Decaying plantation buildings, with empty verandas slowly falling apart under porticoes upheld by insecure wooden pillars, became shrines simply because they somehow spoke for the dream that had died, the vitality of the dream gaining in strength as the physical embodiment of it drifted off into ruin. There were cemeteries for both sections— quite , peaceful fields where soldiers who had never cared about military formality lay in the last sleep, precisely ranked in rows of white headstones which bespoke personal tragedies blunted at last by time. (Civil,p.284)

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